Sunday, 25 October 2009

A Journey To Yaounde(1): Cameroon O' Bosso Na Mbussa:

Louis Egbe Mbua

On a second visit to Cameroon this year, it won’t have been appropriate, I thought, to leave without making a sortie to Yaoundé, the Capital City of Cameroon. One had read; and heard of the accident-prone highway that links Douala, the commercial hub in the Gulf of Guinea, to the city embedded in the middle of Cameroon. Where does one board a coach to Yaoundé, I inquired. In Akwa, I was informed by old hands of the Douala gentry. There is a company located in Akwa; it is very efficient and provides express service; but you have to arrive early to catch the express service, they opined. What is the name of the Company? Guarantee was the name. How apt: I will be guaranteed a good and safe journey, I said to myself. So, early on the 25th of July 2009, I dressed up after the London business suit fashion, and found myself in the coach station in Akwa.

A nearby kiosk was playing a Cameroonian number in this manner: Pompez, les pompiers; la maison c’est brule . Who wrote and played this song? I asked the man next to me in the seat at the hall way in the station. Hugo Nyame: C’est Padonne Madame, he replied in a knowing and sure disposition. My niece had arrived earlier, arranged for the tickets, secured the seats; and then we sat down in the station to wait for the bus to begin this strange journey. The driver of the Coach signalled that he has to leave in time; at 8:30 am. We climbed into the high-staged design coach; and took our seats. The man who sat next to me asked: Tu es Anglophone?
Oui, je suis Anglophone
, I replied. I didn’t have to respond with a similar investigation since only a Francophone Cameroonian would pose such a question in French. Mais, est-que tu viens de Buea ou bien de Bamenda? J' habite ici a Douala, was the answer coming from me.

Non, Tu ne me responds bien. C’est bien que nous sommes tous a Douala. Mais ca ne signifie que nous sommes de Douala. Moi-meme j’habite a Douala mais je ne viens de Littoral. Que j’habite a Douala ne signifie pas que mon village c’est ici a Douala. Mon village, s’Il vous plait, c'est situe a Bandjoun.

This was not the kind of discussion one wished in the beginning of a long journey. However, I decided to answer his philosophical point as he seemed an insightful man; and a man of intelligence. If that is what you mean, then I am travelling from Buea, I responded. Oh! You are an Anglophone Whiteman then, the man exclaimed. Well, you can see that I am not a White person, I said. The man looked bemused on this reply.

I agree with you that your village is within Bandjoun, but this is the 21st century, I continued. It is important that you identify yourself with where you grew up; and where you earn your living as well as your village of origin in Cameroon. The point here is that you have settled in Douala where, you are supposedly, are earning a nice living; well, judging from your wonderful pair of shoes and clothes. The point is not whether I am an Anglophone or you a Francophone but that we are of the same country; and that we all should enjoy the benefits of this land. Consequently, it is of utmost importance that you consider your village as well as where you are presently residing in Cameroon. This is because you have the advantage of a two-pronged opportunity which may make you rich; and as a consequence, the entire Cameroon.
What do you mean by “a two-pronged opportunity”? The man asked. Well, you have the opportunity of having to live in two lands. There is the idea of The Two Lands since ancient times.

How? Asked Le Camerounais. In ancient Africa, I replied, there was a King called Menes, the ruler of Egypt about 4500 years ago, who brought about this idea of unity into the world. We do not know how he came about this idea. However, we know for certain that he united the two lands of Egypt: Upper Egypt and Lower Egypt. These lands were of completely different geography, ethnic and possibly linguistic make up. After this act of genius, people from both parts of the united lands had a two-pronged opportunity since they could carve a career in any of the two regions; at the same time could return to their area of origin where they could again advance themselves because they were known there. Due to the uniting of the two lands, the Egyptians were able to harness their people into a critical mass of talent. The result is still there, in the two lands, for the entire world to see today. Remember that connections are as important as an institution. It seems the early Cameroon leaders had this idea or might have read of them from ancient books or might have some kind of links with ancient Egypt – it is Africa after all. The important point is that, I continued, the Egyptian priests and rulers were wiser than us.

Now, my brother, you are trying to compare 2500 BC to the 21st century, he composed. Your comparison does not add up; and invalid. The Egyptians lived in their time. We are living in the 21st century where there are computers and Aeroplanes. So, this ancient “two-pronged” approach can neither fit in this era nor is it feasible. Besides, why do you believe (if we may consider your opinion a belief in the first place) the Egyptians wiser than us? Surely, they never created the computer nor did they go to space, did they? What you are saying is illogical unless you provide a further explanation to buttress your reasoning. As far as I can see you will have great difficulties in crafting an acceptably justified defence in this instance. The Cameroon situation is different because we are one and indivisible from the beginning. As a result, the unification that happened in 1961 cannot be likened to that of the ancient Egyptians despite their considerable success in art, technology, agriculture, architecture, religion and culture. If we examine the matter very closely, we may realise that we might have achieved a similar feat in Cameroon. The Edea Dam, SONARA in Limbe [Victoria]; Douala City and where we are going; Yaoundé. The point of the matter is that we do what we can at this time; and then leave the rest to the future generation. It is true that unity is good but we may not be able to achieve everything dans cinquante ans de L’independance. Cela c’est impossible! Cameroun O’ Bosso*!

You have spoken well mon frère, I emphasised. It is true that Cameroon, and in fact Africa, has made considerable stride in civilisation. However, I won’t agree with you that the stated advancement is of the same stature of achievement as the ancient United Lands of the North and South. The Egyptians appeared to be more enlightened than we are in the 21st century. I agree that they never invented any computers or went into space but they seemed to have understood the psychology of man. I say this because they, apparently, were fair and just to the very best of their abilities in antiquity. For, instance, they knew about women’s rights and the rights of the minority in their Kingdom. The same cannot be given to the present Cameroon. In the present climate, it seems those who purport to be leaders lack this fundamental understanding. For instance, it is not important for you to judge me as an Anglophone or for me to judge you as a Francophone, but that you are a human being who can think and act in a positive way; to affect all Cameroonians and indeed the world. Now, if we have rulers who believe that they must first satisfy their villages before they think of the entire Cameroon and the world, then we cannot actually meet up with Egyptian standards. The Egyptians never did such a thing. While I will not venture to vociferate that the Egyptians were perfect, one is hard pressed to find a leader, in Cameroon, who is wise as was as Hephaestus, the Egyptian queen who built the classic temple at Thebes. Our leaders have failed to emulate these great leaders: they have been involved in discrimination and grandiloquence. Even if the Re-unification was a good idea, they failed to institute social justice in the entire territory as the Egyptians did. As a result, we have a breakdown of morality; and the marginalisation of Anglophones, who form part of the two lands, in a clearly illegal act which must be redressed before we may compare and contrast with the ancients. What we have, therefore, is Cameroon O’ Bosso na Mbussa*; and not actually Cameroun O’Bosso!

The man was shocked at this reply. A woman at his side – presumably his wife – seemed to crave attention; and the discussion was further interrupted when the bus began to move on. Noticing this state of fluxing affairs, I thought it wise not to usher any further commentaries on this matter. I had borrowed a book from my uncle. I opened the page where I had ended my musing of Mbella Sonne Dipoko’s Because of Women and began to read: Ngosso had paddled his canoe......or something of that sort.
*O' Bosso: Getting ahead
* O' Mbussa: Getting behind

Wednesday, 21 October 2009

Living In the 21st Century (1): A Fashion Statement

Fashion and Style at their Heights


By Louis Egbe Mbua


Since the arrival of the new millennium; there appears to be a psychological shift in every aspect of life that renders men and women to co-exist on the planet. From science to religion, there have been dramatic change of paradigm. In peace and in war, we now live and think differently thannever before. Online education is now a normal occurrence rather than a strange method of pedagogy. Only in the 21st Century and this new millennium can we actually hold up hardened terrorists like Osama Bin Laden, with his urbane looking beard, as a fashion icon. But is he? This article examines the folly and wisdom that go with fashion and style in the first decade of the 21st century and the third millennium:

It is better to be stylish than to be fashionable
Because fashion fades but style stays forever:
A dress worn for show is worse than worn to fit
‘Cause better to fit than to show unstuck and unfit.

A man must not wear a shirt of four colours;
For multiple colours are suited but of women:
The woman with a colourful dress will win
But she who wears white informally has failed.

Black is the new white but brown is for soldiers
And a man looks good in brown but a woman who
Wears combats as a fashion statement is not stylish;
And a man who wears white trousers has no style.

A man of no great height must stay clear of heels
Because it shows fashion insecurity with his looks,
But a woman may wear high heels as long as she is
Not six foot five since she will never find a man in them.

There is no such thing as a small woman since all
Have the same hypnotic powers in similar measure.
Her hand bag must match her dress and hair style
For it is faux pas to have a mismatch in this instance.

No man must nurture long hair unless he is a priest
Or he is into a religious order and in show business
Since men may mistake him for a woman and
Women may classify him as effeminate and weak.

Women & men with long hair should visit the Salon
Each week lest: it looses its natural brilliance.
Short hair style is stylish to both men & women
But it’s unstylish for a woman to be skinned head.

Size zero people must not touch tight trousers
Since this displays angled structures of bones
Rather than curved structures defined by nature
The same applies to size 30s with excess curves.

A good dancer is a delight and a bonus to him:
But better that a bad dancer should not dance at all:
Since this may spoil a social occasion entirely.
Thus if a socialite, you must learn how to dance.

In plastic surgery, only engage to correct a fault
But he who does it for beautification is a fool
‘Cause what you have, was written before time
And plastic surgery can never overcome time.

Beauty is not exuded by the external alone
But what you think inside combines with
The external to make the beauty complete:
Plastic surgery can spoil the whole beauty.

There is a way to walk and move in line
With what you wear as to what you desire.
In fashion dressing, walk with the style of a cat
And the galloping confidence of a horse

The one is meant to compliment the other;
Thus only a fool will try a cat walk at home
Or in the office, for this will be out of place
Since you will not be marked for promotion

A vain woman who strips naked for pictures
Is unwise because she must explain this vanity
To her parents, grandchildren and husband
On why such an extravagant display of vanity

A vain man who strips naked for photographs
Is yet a bigger fool since a man is not exactly
A work of art as compared to the fairer one,
And that fashion without clothes doesn’t exist.

While riches can buy one fashion the same can’t
Be said of style since style exists but in nature.
So while style is real, eternal and supernatural
Fashion is founded on illusion and artificiality.







Tuesday, 6 October 2009

African Commission Landmark Ruling On Cameroon -- A Road Map To Southern Cameroons Freedom




Louis Egbe Mbua

As day follows night , so too does humility follows arrogance in reversibilty. For years, the Southern Cameroons people have invited the Republic of Cameroon for amicable talks as concerns the violation of thier rights. However, this has been followed by denials and other provocative insults such as: "if you do not like to be in Cameroon, go somewhere else". There is an adage that one should be careful as to what one asks; for it might happen in reality. Referring to an innocent man as: "an enemy of the house" is not only disingenous; but that the aggrieved man may decide to leave that house and create his own home.

There are those who always believe, erroneously, that the oppressed will remain in their abject condition for ever. However, justice is always on the corner, tailing the oppressor who violates the rights of humans. This has been the case between the Southern Cameroons peoples, also known as Anglophones, and the Republic of Cameroun people, otherwise known as Francophones in Cameroon since 1961. Many a Cameroonian have always believed that the Southern Cameroons independence is an impossible dream; and that it will remain a dream forever. This is a dreadful mistake; for poetic justice usually comes most unexpectedly and very quickly. The writer is of the opinion that the ACHPR ruling in the case between the Southern Cameroons and The Republic of Cameroon has delivered the killer hammer Blow to the Cameroon Union and set Southern Cameroons firmly onto the path of independence. When a man keeps crying for justice and insisting on fairness, they are usually rewarded. Again, it is better to engage your brother and reach an agreement on an injustice than for him to take you to court where you cannot escape retributive justice and punishment for your wrong doings. This writing will attempt to interprete the Commission's ruling in light of Southern Cameroons independence and freedom.

Following the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights ruling being made public by that organisation; as well as the government of The Republic of Cameroon in a Communique dated 1st October 2009, it is clear that the Republic of Cameroon has violated the Human Rights of Southern Cameroonians on 10 counts: in relation to the African Charter; and that the Republic of Cameroon, also known as La Republique du Cameroun, is guilty of violating international Law. When the UN sponsored plebiscite of February 1961 was initiated in Southern Cameroons, there were no provisions for such gross and grosteque violations of human rights in the enactment of the creation of the Cameroon Federation between the two former UN Trust Territories. As a consequence, these violations justify that the United Nations steps in and conduct a second plebiscite in that territory for the Southern Cameroons people to decide as to whether they wish to continue in the UN-created Union with La Republique as a Federated State or whether they desire outright independence as a separate country.

Similarly, this is the moment for Southern Cameroons to seize to free their people from 50 years of discrimination and violation of their rights by The Republic of Cameroon. In a bizarrely paradoxical twist, it provides, albeit inadvertently, an opportunity for the citizens of The Republic of Cameroon to throw out 50 years of totalitarian oligarchy, peacefully rewrite the constitution so as to free the people from the seemingly impossible grip of sychophancy, dictatorship, oppression, brutality and corrupt leadership; and set them on a path to progress. We have to now examine, in details, the winning points that will lead to Southern Cameroons freedom and how it can be done; and the freedom of all Cameroonians in due course as a consequence.

So, examining what the Commission found in its ruling in interpretation:

The Commission found that the Republic of Cameroon violated article 1 of the African Charter which enshrines Human rights to all African peoples.

The Commission found that La Republique du Cameroun violated article 2 of the African Charter which stipulated the entitlement to enjoyment of the right of birth; that Cameroon discriminated against Southern Cameroonians contrary to article 20 of the African charter. The Commission drew attention to discrimination of Southern Cameroonian businesses, especially in light of the Treaty for the Harmonisation of Business Law in Africa, OHADA (Organisation pour l’Hamonisation Des Droits d’Affaires en Afrique.) They reached this decision on grounds that Southern Cameroonians businessmen in Cameroon must submit their article of incorporation for their businesses in French; and that failure to do so means that they cannot open a business bank account; and thus cannot obtain loans or are refused access to capital. The writer finds this strange since Cameroon claims to be a bilingual nation. Furthermore, it explains why most thriving and profitable Southern Cameroonian businesses had to be relocated to Francophone Cameroon after 1972; especially to Douala ; went bankrupt; and why business did not thrive in Southern Cameroons.

It would seem that this has been a practice that has been going on since 1972 when the Federation was illegally destroyed; and that this was a long term premeditated plan to annihilate Southern Cameroonians so as to reduce them to abject poverty; and to weaken their fight for freedom. The land mark ruling means that the OHADA ratification is null and void as regards Southern Cameroons territory; and since this violates the 1961 plebiscite, it follows that The Republic of Cameroon has no right of jurisdiction to dictate business law to Southern Cameroonians in their territory; meaning that the Southern Cameroons state and law on businesses still stand to this day.

The Commission also found The Republic of Cameroon in violation of Article 4 of the African Charter which enshrined the right to life and the inviolability of human persons.

Cameroon also violated article 5 of the African Charter because the government subjected Southern Cameroonians to torture, amputations and denial of medical treatment of arrested activists. If this is true, then The Republic of Cameroon also breached the plebiscite conditions and as a result the Union no longer counts. In this case, the United Nations must take up its responsibility to re-examine the 1961 plebiscite.

The Republic of Cameroon further violated article 6 of the African Charter of Human Rights because her forces arrest Southern Cameroonians who are detained for days and months without trial. As usual, La Republique du Cameroun tried to justify this violation by accusing the detainees, falsely, of being terrorists. This was thrown out and the Commission again indicted the government of gross violation of the Rights of Southern Cameroonians.

The Republic of Cameroon was also found guilty of violation of Article 7 (1) (b) (c) and (d) which enshrined the right to fair trial. They reached this decision because Southern Cameroonians were arrested and transferred to Francophone territory (Bafoussam and Yaounde) to be tried by a Military tribunal although those arrested and accused were civilians; and that they were tried in French, a language they do not understand and without interpreters. This is shameful for a purportedly bilingual country and a naked act of Apartheid. It must be stated that this has been going on for more than 40 years. During a confrontation with Cameroon oppresive forces from Francophone Cameroon who were perpetrating naked aggression on civilians, in Bakossiland, in 1966, Southern Cameroons, Southern Cameroonians accused of involvement were transferred to Yaoundé in Francophone territory where they were either executed or incacerated for long periods after a kangaroo trial in Military tribunals. This again violates the 1961 UN-supervised plebiscite, and therefore, Southern Cameroonians must demand a fresh plebiscite from the international community to decide their future. No people must be surrendered to be violated in such a blatant disregard to human life and fairness in the name of a Union. Unions must be just and fair to all citizens; and especially to protect the minority partner.

The Commission also arrived at the decision that the Cameroon government violated article 11 of the African Charter that outlines the right to free assembly in accordance with National laws and security. The Commission found the Cameroon government guilty of forced suppression of demonstrators, and that there is sufficient evidence that Southern Cameroonians have been shot and killed by forces during demonstrations while others arrested died in prison. Is this what Southern Cameroonians voted for in 1961? If this is not what they asked, then the plebiscite is now devoid of its original objectives and must be reviewed by the United Nations.

The findings of the Commission as regards article 19 that centered on the annexation of Southern Cameroons by La Republique du Cameroun in violation of the African charter, is more intriguing; and delivers an unprecedented victory to Southern Cameroons.

The Commission stated, very clearly, that they have no jurisdiction; and therefore incompetent to determine what annexation is in this instance in connection with the UN 1961 plebiscite in the Trust Territory of Southern Cameroons; and what happened in 1961 – 1972 since this predates the entry into force of the charter. This is a land mark ruling because it implies that the United Nations has been dragged into the dispute. If the UN organised a plebiscite in terms of equal status of the two states, how come there is no longer any Southern Cameroons government? Where is the equality here? What were the instruments that the UN, as a supervisor of the British administered territory, put in place to protect the constitutional and human rights of Southern Cameroons? Did the United Nations fail in her responsibility in the Southern Cameroons case? The answer to the latter question is a resounding Yes ; because had this happened, these gross violations could never have occurred in the first place; and that Francophone administrators and soldiers would have respected the jurisdiction of Southern Cameroons as not to enter the territory to maim, kill and oppress the people from September 1961 and onwards to now.

The Commission didn’t end there but went further to announce that if Southern Cameroons can establish that annexation occurred; and that this right was violated before 18 December 1989 and continues thereafter, then the Commission will be competent to examine the annexation issue. This is a blank cheque to Southern Cameroons. There is enough evidence to prove violation:

A. The two governors of the SW and NW regions of what constitutes Southern Cameroons are Francophones.

B. In 2005, soldiers from Francophone Cameroon entered Buea and shot and killed students in a demonstration at University of Buea who were protesting of poor conditions and other matters at the University. They also raped and looted in Buea as well as terrorise the population of Buea. This is forceful annexation as they violated the boundaries of Southern Cameroons which is at River Mungo.

C. A similar incident happened in Buea in 2006.

D. In Bamenda in 2007

E. And the recent Cameroon riots in Febraury 2008.

In another case, Southern Cameroons, now has the right to refer the matter to the Security Council of the UN who is now celarly competent to re-examine the UN 1961 plebiscite and arrange a new one in line with the Commission’s findings.

In a separate development regarding article 19, the Commission found Cameroon in violation of this article in relation to transferring the Port of Victoria (Limbe) to Douala. According to the Commission, this amounts to the case that The Republic of Cameroon has no control of Victoria (Limbe) and therefore in violation of this article.

Article 20 is very interesting. This dwells on secession and the right to self-determination as a people. Firstly, the Commission rejects secession on grounds that the Complaint violates that right of the African Charter. In effect, the Commission cannot violate its own charter – a perfectly valid point. But it appears Southern Cameroons never asked for secession as there is no treaty of Union between the two former territory. On the other hand, it appears the Commission is incompetent to decide on this matter.

Again, however, the Commission hands out Southern Cameroons with a blank cheque. They ruled that Southern Cameroonians are a separate and distinct people; and that collective peoples’ rights are as important as individual rights, and that Southern Cameroonians qualify as a people geographically, culturally and with a common cause. The implications; in terms of Southern Cameroons independence are huge. Southern Cameroons must now report to the UN who began this ordeal in the first place so that the 1961 plebiscite is revisited.

The Commission recommends dialogue between the leaders of the two states, especially the SCNC and SCAPO who brought the Southern Cameroons case against The Cameroon Republic , under the auspices of the African Commission rather than separation. In this case, therefore, Southern Cameroons leaders must insist on a new plebiscite that includes outright independence which was clandestinely left out in the 1961 fiasco; and that the United Nations must be involved in settling this matter once and for all.

Finally, the Commission found the Cameroon government in violation of Article 26 that enshrines the independence of the Judiciary. They ruled that the Cameroon Judiciary is not independent in line with article 26 of the Africa Charter because the President of Cameroon, who is the head of the Executive arm, is also head of the Judiciary. This is against democratic principles that require that the Executive arm must be separated from the Judiciary arm. In that case, therefore, Cameroon Judiciary cannot be fair.

This, also, is a blank cheque to both Southern Cameroons and Cameroon peoples in general. This is the time to act and eliminate once and for all the propensity for unfair trials and selective crimes where by the President cannot be held into account. In addition, Southern Cameroons has the right to take their case to the ICJ since the judiciary in Cameroon is now incompetent to rule on these violations. The UN must be involved in resolving this matter once and for all.

The Commission also ruled on other articles but most of the ruling was based on lack of submission of evidence by Southern Cameroons; and therefore on technicalities rather than evidence put against by The Republic of Cameroon to challenge them.

Details of the Commission’s Ruling on Communication 266/2003 can be found in:

http://www.achpr.org/english/_info/news_en.html

Friday, 25 September 2009

Guns, People, and Nations: The Universal Healthcare




Louis Egbe Mbua

As to whether a nation may save itself from a catastrophe may depend on the nature of that incident; the scale of the devastation; the tenacity of the people;and the speed of the devastation; and how quickly the leadership reacts to counter the unfortunate event. Above all, the resources available at that time; and at the right place. Nations with enlightened leadership prepare themselves 50 years in advance while those that make darkness their abode, save divine intervention, always find themselves spending as much energy and resources as they were wont in 50 years of fruitless labour. The rational for this two totally different approaches may be closely linked to the judgment of its leadership over a long period; and the consquent resultant thinking that permeates that society.

A society built on compassion and human values; moral obligation and the greater good almost certainly always ends up doing what is right to save the nation. On the other hand, a nation that may begin with the former values as their foundation may decide to deviate along the way on the road to nation building. In this scenario, compassion and human values may take a twisted turn for the worse. That this occurs does not mean that Amargedon has arrived but that the trumpet sound of warning is always heard from East to West; and from North to South. Granted, the recent arguments, especially in Obama's American tenue, as to whether a nation is entitled to free health care or not can only be viewed from the practical successes and failures of the different nations involved; and specific experiences of the different peoples. In that manner, therefore, one may be in pole position to make sound judgments as to the importance of Universal Health Care in a modern nation in the 21st century. A a nation populated by the ill can never prosper.

The year is 2005; and the entire world is transfixed onto their television screen to fully examine the unfortunate cataclysm of Hurricane Katrina that devastated the east Coast of the United States almost four years after the horrific terrorist attack of the United States East Coast of New York killing about 3000 innocent people. In Europe, a significant majority were questioning how a nation, so powerful and rich, were to allow herself to be viewed with such a faded lamp in humanity as regards the Hurricaine Katrina. We all watched as the poor and needy were in such squalor in a land of plenty. More strikingly, it would appear that the long suffering people of Louisiana had not had proper medical care -- judging from their physical appearance. Is it right for the richest nation on earth or even one of the man-made poorest like Cameroon to allow their own citizens to languish in poor health while the privileged moneyed class enjoy stratospheric health care? This writer takes a close examination of the practicalities and consequences of a system that prefers to spend on guns and missiles rather than invest on the health of the same people who should defend the nation with the same guns.

I had just arrived Buea at dusk, the Capital of today South West Region of Cameroon and the former Capital of Southern Cameroons and the colonial German Kamerun. The atmosphere was heavy with fog from Bokoango down to Great Soppo; but the bustling Molyko and Muea dual-town were spared the heavy mist the nexte day. The Chariot of the Gods, Mount Cameroon, stood majestically on the background like a heavy mass of dark blue rock that appears to stretch to the skies from its deep foundations; at the same time extends from East to West like an ancient pyramid.

The following few days were of excellent weather with clear blue sky and beautiful weather; the modifying mountain climate providing a perfect moderating effect on the tropical African heat prevalent in Tiko and Douala. Terrific, I thought. This is like living in Wales, London or Switzerland! I am going to enjoy myself during this period in homeland Africa! I will go out, visit old friends, travel around the villages, and socialise with my relatives. Not until my Grandmother fell ill. We are in Wales, are we not? Surely, there is no problem. There is the NHS, I mused dreamily. And it is free! But this was a short term thinking of a complete stranger in his own land. It was not long before I was reminded of the realities of my own country; and that I may have been thinking of the non-existing utopia of Sangria Land.

Let’s take her to the hospital, I proposed with detached confidence. No, they said, we must take her but to a private clinic. Why? I demanded. Surely, a hospital is much more equipped since there are better facilities and many specialist doctors? No answer. So, I went with the idea of taking her to the clinic. What is the name of this clinic and where exactly is it located, I asked. The medical facility is called Solidarity. Thank Goodness, I exclaimed. If it is named Solidarity then we will be saved! Grand ma will be well and back home immediately; and then the enjoyment will continue until I return to England. Is it a good place with a reputation? Of course, yes was the reply. Where is it? It is just off the University Junction up the road; about ten minutes drive from home after the Mile 17 roundabout. Great! Surely this is a good place; since it is near the University. I was aware that University of Buea had begun a medical school about two years ago amidst raging controversy; arguments between the Anglophones students and the Francophone elite lodged in Yaounde in an alleged fraud as to the admission of students. In the event, students were gunned downby the Cameroon authorities. However, I thought there would be trained doctors who may be working in the clinic in Solidarity with the denizens of Buea. Was my assumption guided by sound judgment or was it convoluted by my earlier delusion of being in Wales? Let’s see.

We made a swift curve north from home, turned into the Mile 17 junction to Molyko, drove passed the University and arrived the University Junction. Turned left, passed a series of landmark two or three storey buildings (most buildings in Buea are not more than three storeys due to the active Volcano, Mount Cameroon, that can roar and erupt without warning causing the entire town to sway from left to right, up and down like a rocking ship caught in a huge tidal wave) and arrived the said clinic. We have arrived, my relative said. Although the building was small, it was well kept and neatly painted with a car park at the front and a gate that secluded the clinic from the local environs. Is this Solidarity? I asked , so as to obtain cast-iron validation and verification. Yes, was the answer. So we went in with my Grandmother. A nurse met us at the entrance or was it the reception? I explained the problem and she were admitted. Now comes the moment of truth as to whether I was still dreaming in Wales or I was living the hard reality of Cameroon.

Can I see the doctor? I inquired of the nurse. Well, he will arrive shortly. I waited and waited but there was no doctor forth-coming. I looked at the nurse and she looked at me. Every person was looking at any other person. What is going on? Anyway I decided to take a short walk within the clinic believing that by the time I returned, treatment should have started. When I returned, I noticed a young man whom I assume was the doctor. I said my Hellos and Good mornings which he returned very politely. Yet nothing was happening; remotely resembling treatment. I looked at them; they also looked at me in a kind of strange silence: again. Is this a new kind of medical consultation or what? Well, I have never been to medical school. Who knows, perhaps there is new kind of telepathic medicine in Cameroon? Or is it some sort of African medicine? Chinese medicine, perhaps? I understand the Chinese have a strong presence in Cameroon; and that they built a modern hospital in genuine Solidarity with the Cameroon people in general and the Buea population in particular. Is Solidarity a Chinese invention-cum-invasion? I looked around but no Chinese person was in sight. I was perplexed by all this. I therefore made a decision, again, to take a walk; but this time in the surrounding locality, hoping that on my re-return , full treatment must have begun, and to fully verify that this was, in actual fact, the famed Solidarity clinic. There we go again.

I went round the corner, crossed a small bridge that spans a small stream and Helas! I was standing in front of a huge – painted yellow, I presume, as one is colour blind -- three storey building that dominated the landscape just off the University Junction. Is this Solidarity? I questioned myself. I decided to investigate. As it appears there were businesses operating on the ground floor of the building, I went to one of the shops, exchanged pleasantries with the supposed owner and began my somewhat inquisition. What is this building for, especially the first and second floors, I enquired. This is a mini-cite (Students’ Hostel). We are merely renting the ground floor for our businesses, was the gentleman’s succinct reply. I see. Who owns this building? The gentleman looked at me with pronounced astonishment; his eyes diving up and down at my demeanour. Are you from Mbengue? The new interrogator asked. Well, yes, I stammered. Where? Europe? America? Europe, I answered. Where, exactly, in Europe, he questioned; and when was the last time you visited Buea – I mean Cameroon? Well, this is my second visit in three months from London. And you do not know who owns this building? No. I replied. This building is owned by Pius. Who is Pius? I interjected. The gentleman didn’t answer. At this juncture, he picked up his glass of what I suppose must have contained Cameroon beer, took a sizeable sip and gulped it down in a go. Put down the glass in satisfaction and then said: “ Ndeifi Pius, the Cameroon football star of the Indomitable Lions.” Picked up his glass again and downed the rest of the three-quarter full glass of beer in one single swoop: with pride. I thanked him; made my polite excuses and left to return to the clinic.

At the entrance, I saw an assignation on a sign board but was not sure as I didn’t bring my glasses. When I arrived at the clinic I met a nurse and the doctor on the hallway. I asked: “What is the name of this clinic again?” So-lid-ar-ity, they answered in resonance and unison: a chorus resembling a choir derived straight out from the local hue. Now, if the name may fit its meaning, would they mind beginning the business of treating my Grandmother? She is ill and requires immediate medical attention. The two looked at me in surprise. What exactly is going on, I reflected. There must be something I appear not to understand here.

So, I went around the hall way and saw another nurse in what looked like a counter. I realised that she was smiling. Why is she smiling? Let me approach her and see. She may have the key to this mystifying medical visit. So, I asked her: “Why is nobody treating my Grandmother; I thought this is a clinic founded on solidarity with the people?” Well, yes but have you got any money with you? You are right; we are Solidarity but to be quite honest, you have to make a down payment before any kind of treatment can be administered onto her. We assure you that the service will be first class, she continued; and that we have first class doctors. How much is the deposit then? CFA 26, 500 frs (£35), she answered quickly. In a second, the Sangrian mystery was decoded, presumably, so I thought. In this case of life, therefore, I took out my wallet, extracted the amount stipulated and handed the cash to the nurse; and waited curiously to see what will happen. She counted the money; gave a nod and proclaimed in a reasonably loud voice: “Treatment”. To my ultimate dismay, the treatment began immediately and in earnest. I will like to state that the clinic has an excellent service and my Grandmother recovered within two days. Is this Solidarity? I questioned inwardly.

In Sangria land, one has to live on his wits’ ends. A system that has no National Health Service in place but relies solely on private health care, where money is the key to good health, is a benighted society doomed to fail. In the yesteryears, this part of contemporary Cameroon had a Department of Social Welfare that played a national role in the health of the West Cameroon people from the young to the old. Today that system has been destroyed with the elderly, the young and the poor subjected to ill-health due to lack of money. When we have a system where an elderly person who has spent all their youthful lives serving the nation are asked to pay up to £35, a sum close to the average monthly wage, to receive medical consultation, then one is inclined to believe that it is better to leave such a place and relocate where leaders are rational and responsible. This amy account for reasons as to why Africans will risk their lives to cross the daunting and unforgiving Sahara Desert; and to travel or swim through the Mediterranean Sea under dreadful conditions at sea to reach Europe where health care is free. Not so in my country where the ruling class themselves also prefer, paradoxically, to fly to Europe by business class for medical treatment on state funds rather than develop and maintain a national health service for the benefit of their own people; and the benevolent result that may ensue in terms of tangible peace and prosperity.
President Obama is right in proposing a Bill to extend healthcare to at least 40 million excluded American people who have been negelected for more than 200 years. His decision to halt the prohibitively expensive Bush-era Star Wars missile adventure in Poland and the former Eastern Block is both wise and pragmatic. It is grand and grotesque folly in a large scale to spend mind-blowing money on weapons that would be manned by the sick; or worse still, no man to use these guns and missiles. A Universal Health Service is a fundamental right for all men; and a pre-requisite to prosperity. African (and other world leaders of the same mould) should emulate President Obama; halt their deadly weapons and gun buying obsession to defend their corrupt and ignorant governments; and instead invest in the health of their people. There lies the secret of progress.

Thursday, 3 September 2009

A Visit to Southern Cameroons

River Mungo: International Boundary between the two Cameroons (http://www.postnewsline.com/)
Louis Egbe Mbua

It is unclear how a people so subjected to the vestiges of totalitarian colonial relics manage to rise up to the challenge so as to compete in a world of discrimination and authoritarian socio-political dogma. The matter is sometimes so worrying that many throw their hats into the fighting ring; throw their hands in the air and surrender. Others so oppressed, make a decision to join the oppressor; not out of malice but out of desperation.

There seems to be a kind of schadenfreude psychological factor to this effect. This, the writer does not believe, is down to the Stockholm syndrome, whereby the captured unwittingly falls in love with the kidnapper. More to it, one believes, is a search for the meaning of all the oppression and why it occurs in the first place; and an identity finder on a second count. Perhaps, one may suppose, that the victims are in want of recognition as an equal to the coloniser; so decide to join the colonist to further oppress their own people in search of equality -- if not superiority in relation to the colonised. In due course, one can infer, the pretender and the oppressor reach an uneasy agreement, fuse their incompatible and dissonant aims, objectives and wants; and then subject the entire population to poverty, want, disease, hunger and destitution to realise these wants.

On the other hand, there are a few good men on both sides of the Treaty of Doom, a pact with the adversary of the people, who have taken upon themselves to do what is right and just so that advancement of all the people is realised. This brings us to the question: can a few good men deliver the people from bondage or does it have to include the entire oppressed to provide the final hammer blow to unbar the wheels of the vehicle to certain oblivion? This is the Cameroon Anglophone story in particular and the Cameroon problem in general from a practical and realistic eye witness account.

I had just spent three to four days in Douala, Cameroon’s economic capital. What was observed was not very encouraging although there are huge potential for the City. Now, I have to go to the other side of Cameroon – Anglophone Cameroon or Southern Cameroons the other part of the former UN Trust Territories that constitute contemporary Cameroon. Jumped into the car and off we went. Having traversed the maelstrom of cars, chaotic maze of motorcycles complete with pedestrian traders trying to earn a living: selling everything imaginable, crossed the one mile long Bonaberi bridge that spans the Wouri estuary, we arrived at the road leading to Anglophone Cameroon. This is the only road that leads to the South-West Province in Cameroon, my brother remarked. It is so narrow and in disrepair, he added. Why is that, I asked. Well, it seems it is political, he answered. How is that? I questioned. I never received an answer so I was forced to think on my feet. The most likely reason is, I thought, the Cameroon government, dominated by Francophone elite, do not consider that part of Cameroon as worthy of development as long as they can wrestle resources from the area at the minimum cost. On the other hand, evidence in Douala suggests that they hardly employ these vast resources to develop their own area. So, one must conclude that the country is run by an incompetent junta?

On this small patch of road could be seen huge vehicles travelling from both directions transporting all kinds of goods and commodities from Anglophone Cameroon to Francophone Cameroon and vice versa. There were oil tankers, Lorries transporting agricultural products, machines and passenger vehicles together with private cars. Every single vehicle: competing for space on this narrow and dilapidated stretch of road in Bonaberi. On both sides of the road are dilapidated buildings and depravation of all kinds with poverty steering us in the face. Who are these people living here? Well, most people who live here are Anglophones was the answer. Since this is close to Anglophone Cameroon, they have settled here. Further down, are industries and factories – some, such as Canada Company of Cameroon -- that processes hardwood for foreign export one must suppose -- are foreign-owned. This stretch of road continues until we arrive at the Bekoko junction; where the road splits to Bafoussam in La Republique du Cameroun and to Tiko, the first major town in Anglophone Cameroon. We are now on the Tiko-Douala road and to give credit where it is due, the road is excellently maintained. We now approach the Mungo Bridge, that spans the Mungo River for about 100 m; and which is the internationally recognised boundary between the two Cameroons. Now, this bridge had collapsed about three years ago (some claim it was bombed by an angry Anglophone Cameroonian who detested the vast exploitation and subjugation of Southern Cameroons) thus causing economic chaos in Cameroon. The old bridge was a design and an architectural classic with tall bars on both sides and a network of steel that connected the steel sides forming an architectural roof: symbolising the Cameroon Federation that began in 1961; and which is now illegally dissolved by short-sighted politicians. To show more contempt for the original Federation, the new Bridge that has been put up has no architectural merit. A trainee architect or civil engineer might have come up with a better and much more aesthetic and symbolic design. Again, to place credit in its right doors, the Bridge has been reconstructed.

We crossed the bridge, met a toll gate where a CFA 500 frs levy is charged for all vehicles going to Tiko. What happens to this fund, nobody can tell as even the small office that serves to administer this charge is extremely wretched. Can’t the Tiko Council or whoever is in charge, improve this office to make it more presentable? What about installing a computerised electronic system of ticketing? So, there we go, money paid and nothing done. At least the office is manned and all drivers act as good citizens, paying up their levy. A few miles down the line in Anglophone Cameroon are Police men in patrol, stopping all vehicles. I didn’t see this in the Francophone part of the road before the Mungo Bridge. So why are these Policemen here? To make sure that people do not bring in dangerous goods to Anglophone Cameroon from Douala was the answer. What about people living Anglophone Cameroon to Douala at the other end? Again, no answer was forth coming. Anyway we went through the motion of checking the books. Everybody was asked to produce their National Identity card. I do not have one, I said. I do not live in Cameroon. Where then do you live? The Officier de Police demanded looking at me with obvious suspicion. Well, I live in London. Okay, where is your passport? Again, I put it that, it was in my suitcase at the back of the car while behaving as nothing was happening. Now, said the Police Officer, are you saying you have no document to identify yourself? I have my bank cards, if you would want to take a look. The Policeman was surprised. What are bank cards? We do not use these things here. Please, produce an ID. You must identify yourself, his voice turning into a mild growl. I had my dark glasses (short-sighted) on. So, the Officier watched me carefully and closely with utmost suspicion. Perhaps, he thought I was a terrorist from Bakassi who had arrived to bomb parts of the Cameroon infrastructure – a few months back Commandos had arrived Victoria on flying boats from Nigeria, took over the City and stole half a million dollars in a daring raid and then vanished into the Atlantic.
On the other hand, I came through Douala; and only the most daring terrorist will attempt to enter Southern Cameroons from Francophone Douala. So, to create a bit of confusion, I decided to take off my glasses and demanded the Officier to produce his own ID. Please, produce your own ID. My junior brother who was at the driving seat was shocked. They looked at themselves, and then at looked at me in consternation. I pretended not to notice. Attend, je me reviens, the Officier uttered. Monsieur Le Commissaire lui-meme was brought to the spot. I could see his four gold stars on his epaulet indicating his high rank. Monsieur, Les pieces, s'il vous plait! He said. As I did not desire a scene, I produced my old British driving licence. He took it, inspected it and gave it back to me without uttering a word; and then waved his hand indicating that we may go. I took my old Licence, put it back in my wallet and we resumed our journey to Tiko. The CDC plantations of rubber, bananas and palms are still there in their hectares upon hectares, rows upon rows. Although one could detect a sense of small neglect, the plantations appeared well-kept; and hopefully there would be a trickle-down of benefits to the ordinary man and worker, so I supposed. We drove past a few new houses and I heard a person saying while pointing to an edifice of a building “That is 3813”; and immediately arrived the Likomba round-about where we stopped for some refreshment. At least one was a little bit encouraged that certain aspects of Cameroon were kept in order and maintained. Why this is the case; and why it occurred in the Southern Cameroons will be the subject of the next article on this matter.

Monday, 24 August 2009

Stagnation in Francophone Cameroon

Louis Egbe Mbua
It is a strange twist of fate: how privilege can turn into disaster; how the privileged elite may be so wrong headedly spoilt -- such a pity. A touch down at the Douala Airport in Cameroon reinforces beliefs that what is served on a platter of gold may turn out to be a bitter pill that may not be swallowed by hard-working citizens. For almost half a century, the elite of this part of Cameroon have held sway in Power. Ahmadou Ahidjo from Garoua came; did his own part of development and left. Monsieur Paul Biya, from Mvomeka, again from French-Speaking Cameroon also arrived, did little or nothing and has never left after 27 years. The English-Speaking Cameroon on the West Bank of the River Mungo has not had a look in. Rather, their human and natural resources have been looted, supposedly going to develop Douala, Edea, Ebolowa, Garoua all in La Republique du Cameroun; so the story goes. Or is it?

Arriving Douala, the economic powerhouse of Cameroon paints a completely different story. One could hardly recognise the once shining and state-of the art international Airport, which was the pride of Cameroon. The deterioration of this once colossal edifice is frightening. Tiles have never been replaced; no electronic notice board to inform passengers on their various destinations and schedule. Is this Africa? Well, yes but Africa in the sub-sahara. A few hours behind, one had arrived Tripoli from Gatwick, London on board The Afriquiyah Airways with their distinctive 9.9.99 logo on the Airbus 320. While one can say that Gatwick was a class ahead, Tripoli was not far behind in their organisation. Nobody asked for a bribe to pass through custom. Although flights are delayed, there was a modern electronic notice board detailing the different flight schedules. Another Africa? No. A Renaissance Africa? Perhaps. Development? Correct. Back to Douala.

The external decorations of the International Airport have remained untouched for at least 30 years. The old paint has worn off; the assignations have never been renovated. Okay, that may be due to the crise economique that has been on-going since 1987 -- 22 years now. At least there must be something good about Douala. We have Swiss Air, Belgian Airlines, Air France, Kenyan Airways and all the popular Air carriers landing at the Douala International Airport. Now, who are these people coming to Cameroon; and why? Firstly, on arrival and checking out, there is a mass of unemployed youths roaming around the airport --looking for the odd job here and there that may be provided by incoming travellers. So, why are they not given jobs in the city? A quick glance at the roads around the Douala Airport provides tentative answers. These roads have not been maintained for at least twenty years. Where have the revenues from all the Airport taxes gone to? I asked one of the youngsters hanging around. Well, you may ask Mr. Paul Biya was his answer, shrugging his shoulders. Now why not renovate the entire Airport, providing these youths with real employment; at the same time generate revenue from taxes?

We are now going into the City. A whiff of unpleasant smell caught my attention; and I was forced to ask more questions. So I asked my brother: What exactly is this smell? Well, there is a stagnant lake just over the other side. Animals come there to drink was his rapid response. I never asked any more questions as to what, exactly, are the kinds of animals. Why would a city have animals apart from domesticated ones? What kinds? We drove passed the palm tree lined roads of the old beautiful Douala. I noticed all the old buildings. The difference is that they have deteriorated; the paint has all worn off. Don't the owners of these buildings do renovations? Well, no, was the answer. Why? I was met with a deafening silence as though I had committed a crime. So, I had to think of an answer. I began by questioning my own mind. Now, I thought, all the money from SONARA (The State owned National Refinery in Victoria) and the Cameroon Development Corporation (Again based in Victoria) ends up in the Douala City Council in one form or the other? Yes, was the response that entered my inquisitive mind. So, what happened to these funds? Then like flash of lightning, I recalled that there is a Prison Centrale in New Bell, Douala. Who are these people in this prison? Well, a number of people who have allegedly embezzled money from the City Council. How much money? I reminded myself of people stealing millions of pounds of state money; and that some of them are locked up in New Bell. Now, I see.Off to the City.
The next day, early in the morning, I was woken up from my fourth floor flat by a thunderous noise of a multitude of machines. I went to the Balcony to investigate. What I saw was frightening. There were at least a hundred cyclists buzzing through the street transporting people -- women, men, children, and goods on their heads -- no protection. At first glance, I thought it was a motorcycle race. So, I asked: who are these people? I was viewed with surprise and half-laughter. These are "bend-skins". Most of them are graduates from University, they said. They had no jobs after completing their various courses. These machines provide them with jobs; and that this has actually cut down crime since they were idle. All good: and fine. But this is too simplistic a solution and a waste of talent, I said. The solution to this transport problem is easy. Why not build flyovers to cut down traffic congestion in Douala? More effectively, why not build an underground train system like in London so these graduates can apply their knowledge of accountancy, law, management and engineering? This will wipe out this maddening traffic in one full swipe. After all there is money. Nobody answered me. It seemed I was having a soliloquy.Now, let me go out to see. Went out, there was enterprising spirit amongst the population -- traders, big business, banking and commerce. I decided to take a closer look at the drainage system. The entire drainage appears to have been blocked with all kinds of residues. Why can't the City Council contract a cleaning firm to clean this City every day? This will provide employment, prevent diseases such as malaria, put money into the nation's tax coffers, reduce crime? What is the point of all these companies doing business in an unclean city?
There are good parts of Douala which I have not mentioned. But the point of contention is that having privileged Francophone elite who hold sway of power does not guarantee development. For 50 years French-speaking Cameroon has been wielding power, taking resources from English-speaking Cameroon. One would have expected them to use it to advance their own part of the country. But they have done the complete opposite -- running down French-speaking Cameroon to the point of disrepair. Douala is a neglected City.
Next: Advancement in Anglophone Cameroon -- a paradox in African development

Sunday, 12 July 2009

President Obama's Speech to the Ghanaian Parliament

President Obama’s Speech to the Ghanaian Parliament originally released by the White House Office of the Press Secretary 11 July 2009.



THE PRESIDENT: (Trumpet plays.) I like this. Thank you. Thank you. I think Congress needs one of those horns. (Laughter.) That sounds pretty good. Sounds like Louis Armstrong back there. (Laughter.)

Good afternoon, everybody. It is a great honor for me to be in Accra and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. (Applause.) I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I've received, as are Michelle and Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana's history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States of America. (Applause.)

I want to thank Madam Speaker and all the members of the House of Representatives for hosting us today. I want to thank President Mills for his outstanding leadership. To the former Presidents -- Jerry Rawlings, former President Kufuor -- Vice President, Chief Justice -- thanks to all of you for your extraordinary hospitality and the wonderful institutions that you've built here in Ghana.

I'm speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia for a summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy for a meeting of the world's leading economies. And I've come here to Ghana for a simple reason: The 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra, as well. (Applause.)

This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America's prosperity. Your health and security can contribute to the world's health and security. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.

So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world -- (applause) -- as partners with America on behalf of the future we want for all of our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility and mutual respect. And that is what I want to speak with you about today.

We must start from the simple premise that Africa's future is up to Africans.

I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. After all, I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family's -- (applause) -- my family's own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.

Some you know my grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy" for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya's liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn't simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade -- it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.

My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at a moment of extraordinary promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father's generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. (Applause.) Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways, and history was on the move.

But despite the progress that has been made -- and there has been considerable progress in many parts of Africa -- we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya had a per capita economy larger than South Korea's when I was born. They have badly been outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent.

In many places, the hope of my father's generation gave way to cynicism, even despair. Now, it's easy to point fingers and to pin the blame of these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense helped to breed conflict. The West has often approached Africa as a patron or a source of resources rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father's life, it was partly tribalism and patronage and nepotism in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is still a daily fact of life for far too many.

Now, we know that's also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. (Applause.) And by the way, can I say that for that the minority deserves as much credit as the majority. (Applause.) And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana's economy has shown impressive rates of growth. (Applause.)

This progress may lack the drama of 20th century liberation struggles, but make no mistake: It will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of other nations, it is even more important to build one's own nation.

So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana and for Africa as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of great promise. Only this time, we've learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa's future. Instead, it will be you -- the men and women in Ghana's parliament -- (applause) -- the people you represent. It will be the young people brimming with talent and energy and hope who can claim the future that so many in previous generations never realized.

Now, to realize that promise, we must first recognize the fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: Development depends on good governance. (Applause.) That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That's the change that can unlock Africa's potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.

As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I've pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa's interests and America's interests. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of perpetual aid that helps people scrape by -- it's whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change. (Applause.)

This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I'll focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy, opportunity, health, and the peaceful resolution of conflict.

First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments. (Applause.)

As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: Governments that respect the will of their own people that govern by consent and not coercion are more prosperous, they are more stable, and more successful than governments that do not.

This is about more than just holding elections. It's also about what happens between elections. (Applause.) Repression can take many forms, and too many nations, even those that have elections, are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves -- (applause) -- or if police -- if police can be bought off by drug traffickers. (Applause.) No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top -- (applause) -- or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. (Applause.) That is not democracy, that is tyranny, even if occasionally you sprinkle an election in there. And now is the time for that style of governance to end. (Applause.)

In the 21st century, capable, reliable, and transparent institutions are the key to success -- strong parliaments; honest police forces; independent judges -- (applause); an independent press; a vibrant private sector; a civil society. (Applause.) Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in people's everyday lives.

Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. (Applause.) We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously -- the fact that President Mills' opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana -- (applause); victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. (Applause.) We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and participating in the political process.

Across Africa, we've seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post-election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three-quarters of the country voted in the recent election -- the fourth since the end of Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person's vote is their sacred right.

Now, make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. (Applause.) Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions. (Applause.)

Now, America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation. The essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. But what America will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and responsible institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance -- on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard -- (applause); on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting and automating services -- (applause) -- strengthening hotlines, protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.

And we provide this support. I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights reports. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. (Applause.) We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don't, and that is exactly what America will do.

Now, this leads directly to our second area of partnership: supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.

With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base of prosperity. Witness the extraordinary success of Africans in my country, America. They're doing very well. So they've got the talent, they've got the entrepreneurial spirit. The question is, how do we make sure that they're succeeding here in their home countries? The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities -- or a single export -- has a tendency to concentrate wealth in the hands of the few, and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.

So in Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been very responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and in their infrastructure -- (applause); when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled workforce, and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.

As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we want to put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. (Applause.) That's why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers -- not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it's no longer needed. I want to see Ghanaians not only self-sufficient in food, I want to see you exporting food to other countries and earning money. You can do that. (Applause.)

Now, America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. That will be a commitment of my administration. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; financial services that reach not just the cities but also the poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interests -- for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, guess what? New markets will open up for our own goods. So it's good for both.

One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources, and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and more conflict. All of us -- particularly the developed world -- have a responsibility to slow these trends -- through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.

Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity, and help countries increase access to power while skipping -- leapfrogging the dirtier phase of development. Think about it: Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and biofuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coasts to South Africa's crops -- Africa's boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.

These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They're about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to market; an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It's about the dignity of work; it's about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.

Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it's also critical to the third area I want to talk about: strengthening public health.

In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. I just saw a wonderful clinic and hospital that is focused particularly on maternal health. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn't kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.

Yet because of incentives -- often provided by donor nations -- many African doctors and nurses go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. And this creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.

So across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an Interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care -- for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.

America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy, because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience but also by our common interest, because when a child dies of a preventable disease in Accra that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.

And that's why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges -- $63 billion. (Applause.) Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and we will work to eradicate polio. (Applause.) We will fight -- we will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won't confront illnesses in isolation -- we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children. (Applause.)

Now, as we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings -- and so the final area that I will address is conflict.

Let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at perpetual war. But if we are honest, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.

These conflicts are a millstone around Africa's neck. Now, we all have many identities -- of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. (Applause.) Africa's diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God's children. We all share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families and our communities and our faith. That is our common humanity.

That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justified -- never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. (Applause.) It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systemic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in the Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. And all of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.

Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, in Ghana we are seeing you help point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon -- (applause) -- and your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. (Applause.) We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, to keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational forces to bear when needed.

America has a responsibility to work with you as a partner to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there's a genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems -- they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response.

And that's why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy and technical assistance and logistical support, and we will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: Our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa, and the world. (Applause.)

In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. And that must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don't, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.

As I said earlier, Africa's future is up to Africans.
The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. And in my country, African Americans -- including so many recent immigrants -- have thrived in every sector of society. We've done so despite a difficult past, and we've drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos, Kigali, Kinshasa, Harare, and right here in Accra. (Applause.)

You know, 52 years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice."

Now that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. (Applause.) And I am particularly speaking to the young people all across Africa and right here in Ghana. In places like Ghana, young people make up over half of the population.

And here is what you must know: The world will be what you make of it. You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, and end conflicts, and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can -- (applause) -- because in this moment, history is on the move.

But these things can only be done if all of you take responsibility for your future. And it won't be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you every step of the way -- as a partner, as a friend. (Applause.) Opportunity won't come from any other place, though. It must come from the decisions that all of you make the things that you do, the hope that you hold in your heart.

Ghana, freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom's foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say this was the time when the promise was realized; this was the moment when prosperity was forged, when pain was overcome, and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Yes we can. Thank you very much. God bless you. Thank you. (Applause.)